Voices of Resistance – A conversation with Olivia Blahuta

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Voices of Resistance – A conversation with Olivia Blahuta

On a quiet Friday afternoon over Zoom, I sat down with Olivia Blahuta, an organizer and activist  with the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP). We were later joined by Rei and Hillary from the Canada Philippines Solidarity Organization (CPSO). What unfolded was a deeply insightful conversation about the political, economic, and military systems that shape Filipino communities’ lives in Canada and abroad. This interview is part of Voices of Resistance, an ongoing project exploring how Canadian foreign policy, particularly the Indo-Pacific Strategy and labour migration programs impact Filipino communities. While the conversation was initially sparked by CPSO’s work, it grew into a broader reflection on international solidarity, migration, and the lived realities of organizing against systemic injustice. Through Olivia’s experiences in the Philippines and her work with both ICHRP and CPSO, we explore how Canada’s global presence is connected to local struggles and how art, activism, and collective care can serve as tools for resisting exploitation across borders.

Let’s begin! 

Asia Ruggiero (AR): How did you first get involved in Philippine solidarity work, and what led you to your role within ICHRP?

Olivia Blahuta (OB): I first got involved in Philippine solidarity work in 2020. I was politicized around that time, particularly by the murder of George Floyd and the broader movements against police brutality, labour exploitation, and women’s and queer rights. I had already been attending rallies, but during that period, I realized the importance of being part of an organization. A high school friend introduced me to Anakbayan, which led me to connect with organizers and learn more about the Philippines’ political situation, especially the labour export policies that force many Filipinos to work abroad. Through this, I began to understand the scale of Filipino migration to Canada and the precarious conditions many migrant workers face here, especially those who are undocumented. One issue that struck me deeply was family separation, the reality that so many parents, particularly mothers, must leave their children behind to earn a living. That felt incredibly unjust, and meeting people directly affected by it made the issue feel very personal. In 2022, I had the opportunity to travel to the Philippines as part of the International Observer Mission for the national elections. We conducted third-party election monitoring at the request of people’s movements in the Philippines to assess the legitimacy of the democratic process—especially considering the election of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Rodrigo Duterte’s election. The trip was comprehensive: beyond election monitoring, I interviewed people from various sectors—farmers, fisherfolk, teachers, and others—to better understand the conditions they face.Hearing directly from them about what international solidarity should look like, and how we can support and learn from their people’s movement, was transformative. Those two experiences: organizing around migrant issues in Canada and witnessing the struggles and resistance in the Philippines firsthand, were pivotal in shaping my commitment to this work.

AR: It’s incredibly powerful to witness things firsthand, especially during such a significant moment. And once you start learning about these issues, it becomes impossible to ignore them.

OB: Exactly 

AR: What does it mean to be part of a transnational solidarity network like ICHRP?

OB: Being part of a transnational solidarity network like ICHRP means coming together around a shared commitment to fight oppression and exploitation. It’s a perspective that unites us. Once you become aware of the profound human rights violations happening in the Philippines, particularly against land defenders and poor communities, it’s impossible to look away. What makes these violations even more urgent is that they’re not just caused by local conditions, they are reinforced by the support of foreign powers, including countries like Canada. When you realize that, you feel a strong responsibility to act. What’s also incredibly powerful about being connected to the Philippine struggle is the strength and history of the people’s movement there. The Philippines has endured over 400 years of colonization, and throughout that time, people have continuously resisted. These anti-colonial movements have won significant victories, and that spirit of resistance lives on today through organizations like BAYAN (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan), which unites various sectors of society; women, youth, peasants, fisherfolk, queer people, scientists, and more—around a shared vision for justice.That level of organization is something the international community, including movements here in Canada, can learn from. It shows how struggles against exploitation are interconnected and how solidarity across borders can be a powerful tool for change.

AR: Yeah, absolutely. Thank you for sharing that. It’s so powerful to hear how deeply rooted and organized the movement is, and how those connections across borders really strengthen the work happening here, too. So For someone new to this work, how would you describe the goals of organizations like ICHRP and CPSO?

OB: I’m going to start with the word “liberal.” Canada has a neoliberal relationship with the Philippines, and what that really means is it’s an unequal relationship. Canada benefits economically while ignoring the broader social impacts. For example, Canada profits from extracting natural resources, from cheap migrant labor, and from outsourcing business processes to the Philippines. But there’s no sense of responsibility for what that means in terms of healthcare, education, or the well-being of Filipino communities. That imbalance is really at the core of what organizations like ICHRP and CPSO are trying to address. And with new policies like the Indo-Pacific Strategy, Canada’s presence in the region is only going to grow. That presence is tied to serious human rights concerns—through counterinsurgency efforts, resource extraction, labor exploitation, and violations of workers’ rights. So our work focuses on raising awareness, building solidarity, and pushing back against these forms of systemic injustice.

AR: Thanks for that, I’d like to now dive a bit deeper into some of the specific issues. I have a few questions, starting with labor rights, since that’s something I’m particularly concerned about. What are the most urgent labor rights challenges facing Filipino workers in Canada today; legally, economically, or socially?

OB: One of the most urgent issues is the fundamental right to work. Migration itself often reflects the denial of that right. Whether it’s the right to a livelihood or to safe and secure employment.

A good example is a campaign we worked on a few years ago for Danilo De Leon, a migrant worker and cleaner who lost his job and, because he was on a closed work permit, also lost his legal status. That made him undocumented and vulnerable to further exploitation through under-the-table work, with no job security or legal protections. We fought to keep him in Canada on two grounds: first, that his dismissal was unfair, and second, that as an activist and organizer, he faced serious risks if deported back to the Philippines. Both situations highlight how the right to work can be denied here in Canada and in the Philippines. In the Philippines, the economic system is marked by a lack of industrialization, and external economic pressures mean people like Danilo don’t have real opportunities for secure work either. On top of that, being a labour activist there can be life-threatening. So, for Filipino migrant workers in Canada, the lack of an inherent right to work and livelihood is at the core of many challenges. This issue also ties into a growing trend of xenophobic labour migration policies, such as increased restrictions on international students, tighter rules around post-graduate work permits, and harsher enforcement of deportations and detentions. These policies increasingly mirror the U.S. model, and we need to pay close attention to how they’re impacting migrant workers here.

AR: Okay, that’s interesting. So would you say Canada is adopting a lot of its migrant worker policies from the U.S.?

OB: I think there’s a broader cultural shift happening right now, and we’re already starting to see the effects in Canada’s labor and immigration policies. But I think we’ll see even more changes, especially with the upcoming election and the platforms of some candidates.

The scapegoating of migrants is a major issue. It’s not migrants choosing to work for lower wages, it’s employers and recruiters making those decisions to maximize profit. That’s where the root of the problem lies.

AR: Okay, thank you 

OB: I also want to mention a more current campaign: the Tanggol Migrante or Defend Migrants campaign, which is being led by Migrante Ontario, an organization of Filipino migrants here in Canada. It’s a campaign about migrants, by migrants, and for migrants. They’re really at the forefront of defending their rights and exposing what it’s actually like to work here, while pushing back against the myths and misinformation spread by government officials and right-wing narratives. I think it’s important for all of our organizations to support this campaign.

AR: Totally. Thank you for bringing that up. I’ve been really interested in that campaign as well, and I’m hoping to reach out to Migrante about it. I also came across the case involving the recruiter Jeanette Moskito, which really opened my eyes to how serious and repeated recruitment abuses can be. It’s an issue that clearly needs more attention.

OB: Exactly. It’s supposed to be the responsibility of the Philippine consulate to protect overseas workers, but they’ve done very little. Often only taking action when pressured by groups like Migrante Ontario or Migrante BC. Just recently, Migrante BC helped secure a small claims court victory against Promised Land Consultancy, a similar predatory recruiter based in British Columbia. That win is encouraging, but there’s still a long way to go.

AR: It’s disturbing that it takes public pressure and shaming just to get a basic response. You’d hope people could turn to their consulate for protection, but that’s often not the case.

OB: One more thing I’ll add from when I was in the Philippines in late 2023. I was deep in the countryside in Mindanao, and even there, on remote coffee plantations, I saw posters advertising work in Canada. They were everywhere. It was shocking to see how far-reaching these recruitment efforts are going to target the most vulnerable, those with the least information about their rights, and in the most desperate conditions. That really stuck with me.

AR: That’s such an important point, especially where those posters are being placed and who they’re targeting. Once people arrive here, many don’t know their rights or who to turn to. And then there’s the added shame of feeling like they can’t return home. It’s a vicious cycle. I didn’t realize the extent of those posters…it’s really eye-opening.

AR: Okay, so let’s talk about Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy. How does ICHRP view Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in relation to labor exploitation and militarization in the Philippines?

OB: Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy extends its neoliberal relationship with the Philippines and is part of the broader “Pivot to Asia” led by NATO powers, especially the United States. As Asian economies grow rapidly, Western powers are pursuing two main goals: to secure a share in that economic growth and counter China’s increasing influence in a world no longer dominated by a single superpower. Global Affairs Canada has become highly focused on the Indo-Pacific, and the Philippines, Taiwan and South Korea are positioned as key “partners.” These are considered “safe” countries for Canadian investment because of their close relationships with ruling elites. However, while the strategy outlines how it will benefit Canadian businesses, it says little about how it will affect people in the region, especially Filipino workers. It makes no mention of the violence linked to extractive industries operated by Canadian corporations or their Philippine subsidiaries. It ignores the lack of labour protections, social support, or human rights safeguards. No mechanisms are in place to hold these partnerships accountable to basic human rights benchmarks. This strategy benefits the political and economic elite: Philippine business dynasties, landlords, and multinational corporations like Dole while exploiting the country’s cheap labour and abundant resources. It does nothing to develop local industry or self-sufficiency and instead deepens the cycle of poverty and displacement, pushing more Filipinos to migrate abroad for survival.

AR: I’m also curious about the surveillance aspect of all this. In relation to the Indo-Pacific Strategy, is there an increase in the monitoring or targeting of activists and organizations?

OB: One area where Canada plays a significant role globally is in anti-money laundering legislation and surveillance technology. Through its past collaborations with the Philippine government, Canada has provided tools and training that are now being used to target civil society organizations.

One example is the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, an Indigenous-led organization in Northern Luzon that defends ancestral lands rich in natural resources. These communities have long maintained their cultural practices and territorial autonomy, but their efforts to resist mining and resource exploitation have made them a target. Despite being in a recognized autonomous region, they’ve been accused of financial crimes under anti-money laundering frameworks, which are politically motivated claims. This kind of targeting is part of the Philippine government’s “Whole-of-Nation Approach,” which allows all branches of government to participate in a nationwide counterinsurgency campaign. Even local governments that support people’s movements must comply with national mandates to suppress them. These efforts are reinforced by the Anti-Terror Law, which grants sweeping powers to silence dissent. Canada’s involvement doesn’t stop with surveillance. It’s now expanding into militarization. One major step was formally recognizing the Balikatan joint military exercises which are war games involving the Philippines, the U.S., France, Australia, and others. These exercises occur in the West Philippine Sea, a contested region with China, and include live-fire drills like sinking ships to demonstrate military strength. Canada’s endorsement of these exercises gives them legitimacy and signals support for a militarized regional presence. The next step has been the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, a memorandum of understanding between Canada and the Philippines, the details of which have not been made public despite repeated information requests. In addition, Canada has recently completed negotiations for a Status of Visiting Forces Agreement, modeled directly after the U.S. version, which would allow Canadian military personnel to be stationed in the Philippines. We’ve seen the consequences of these kinds of agreements before. The U.S. military presence in the Philippines has led to widespread social issues; violence against women, abandoned children, and abuse of local communities near bases. Despite public resistance, these deals keep getting signed. Now, Canada is following the same path, seeking to put boots on the ground, which increases the risk of gender-based violence, war escalation, and turning the Philippines into a proxy battleground between Western powers and China.

AR: This is so upsetting, Hearing how deeply these systems are interconnected—and how directly they harm communities. It’s hard to take in.

OB: Yes, it’s incredibly upsetting.

AR: Are there connections ICHRP sees between Canada’s labor migration policies and the systemic issues facing Filipino workers in Canada and abroad?

OB: This is also an excellent question for Migrante since they focus directly on migrant organizing. However, from ICHRP’s standpoint, one of the most significant connections is the lack of national industrialization in the Philippines.

For example, the country has abundant natural resources like iron ore and a large labour force but no essential steel production. Without that foundational industry, the Philippines depends on foreign businesses for industrial development. This lack of self-sustaining jobs creates massive pressure for people to seek work abroad. With a population of over 110 million, many Filipinos have no choice.At the same time, because of currency differences, even a tiny amount of money sent home from abroad can significantly impact a family’s ability to access education, healthcare, or even a burial. For many, that’s the difference between sending their kids to a struggling public school or not at all and being able to afford private school where there might be food and shelter. Remittances comprise around 10% of the Philippine economy, and the rest is mainly agrarian, meaning people survive on farming and food production, which often doesn’t meet other essential needs. So you have these push factors: economic instability, lack of opportunity, and failing infrastructure, and then there are pull factors. Many wealthier countries build their economies on cheap labour. They pay workers far below market value while selling goods at full price, which inflates their profits and strengthens their economies and currencies. It’s a global system that depends on inequality. During the pandemic, Canada relied on migrant workers to keep the economy afloat. But now we’re seeing a political shift. There’s growing rhetoric that frames migrants as a burden, blaming them for inflation, housing shortages, and high rent. This scapegoating feeds into campaigns that encourage migrants to leave, ignoring the fact that Canada actively benefits from their labour.

AR: That’s all I wanted to cover in terms of policy. For my last question, I’d like to shift the focus towards action. What can students and artists in Canada do to support human rights and labor justice in the Philippines?

OB: Art is such a powerful tool for education and connection. It allows people to relate emotionally and humanely to struggles that might otherwise feel distant. Artists can use their practice to uplift the stories of Filipino communities, especially those actively fighting for justice. That might mean collaborating with migrant workers here, organizing performances or exhibits, travelling to the Philippines on a learning tour and creating work based on that experience. Fundraisers are another meaningful way to contribute. Artists could sell prints, host events, or perform, with proceeds supporting grassroots organizations. These efforts not only raise money but also build community and awareness. And to emphasize, all art is political. Whether or not you see your work that way, it reinforces or challenges existing systems. Your work now, sharing stories and building connections, is a perfect example of solidarity through creativity.

AR: Thank you. I’ve been thinking about how artists and collectives might organize fundraisers or donate a portion of sales. Can you speak a bit more about how fundraising works within ICHRP or CPSO?

OB: Generally, both ICHRP and CPSO don’t fundraise for internal costs because our work is volunteer-led and grassroots. Most of our fundraising efforts are either to lower barriers to participation (like covering costs for people to attend exposure trips or conferences) or to support specific campaigns. For example, ICHRP recently hosted an event on climate justice and militarization in the Philippines and raised funds for UMA, the Agricultural Workers Union. That fundraiser was in direct response to a request from UMA, and it aligned with the theme of our event. We often call this “people-to-people fundraising.”

Hillary (CPSO): Right now, CPSO is supporting Friends of the Filipino People in Struggle (FFPS) and encouraging folks to become monthly sustainers, which helps fund their political advocacy work throughout the year. One important date coming up is April 26, a Global Day of Action in support of the Filipino people’s fight for a just and lasting peace. There’s also a counter-action against NATO planned for June, and CPSO is mobilizing folks to attend CANSEC, Canada’s largest weapons expo, in Ottawa this May.

Rei (CPSO): We also organize cultural fundraising events tied to urgent campaigns. For example, during a recent typhoon relief effort led by Migrante, we held a community event with performances, tabling, and even bake sales. Many of the artists and bakers weren’t formally involved with an organization they just wanted to contribute. If artists or collectives are interested in participating, we are open to collaboration. They could donate prints, stickers, or other works for sale, event table. And if a collective sees themselves as politically engaged, they can also consider joining FFPS directly or becoming an affiliated group.

AR: Thank you Rei and Hillary for your insight, I believe that there are many members of the artist community that would be supportive of your cause and have a lot of fun with fundraising. 

AR: Are there specific campaigns or actions that ICHRP is leading that people can plug into?

OB: Yes! ICHRP is focusing on three major campaigns right now. Justice for Duterte’s Victims – Calling for the arrest and conviction of Rodrigo Duterte through the International Criminal Court. This is a major victory for the victims of the drug war and for the international solidarity movement. But it needs continued pressure to move forward.

Opposing the Status of Visiting Forces Agreement – This agreement would allow Canadian troops to be stationed in the Philippines and mirrors a similar, deeply harmful agreement with the U.S. that has led to widespread violence and abuse. We’re calling for this agreement to be stopped. And supporting the Peace Talks – In the context of the civil war, peace talks offer a chance to address the root causes of violence. They’re grounded in a proposed Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER), which speaks to many of the systemic issues we’ve discussed today: landlessness, poverty, and exploitation.These campaigns relate to both external pressures, like U.S. and Canadian militarization and internal counterinsurgency efforts by the Philippine government. Supporting these campaigns means standing against violence and standing for long-term, structural change.

AR: It’s especially important for people here in Canada to understand the role our government plays and how we can help push for accountability and justice, whether that’s through solidarity, raising awareness, or just showing up. What message do you hope young people take away from this work, and how can they stay involved long-term?

OB: The most important thing you can do is join an organization. It doesn’t have to be overwhelming. There are different levels of involvement. But when you’re part of a collective, figuring out how to respond to these massive issues doesn’t fall entirely on your shoulders. You’re in it together. ICHRP and FFPS are trusted coalitions doing this work for a long time. We can support you whether you want to start your own group, join as an individual, or help your organization plug into a broader network. And if you’re not ready to organize just yet, you can still come to action, stay informed, make art, raise funds, or help spread the word. And if you ever have the chance visit the Philippines on a learning tour. Not a vacation, although it’s beautiful there, but a real opportunity to understand the movement firsthand. It’s life-changing.

AR: That was incredibly comprehensive, thank you so much Olivia! This conversation really meant a lot to me. I’ve learned so much, and I’m leaving with a deeper understanding of these issues and how they connect. Thank you as well to Rei and Hillary for being here, your insights were so appreciated.

OB: I’m glad I could share my knowledge and I’m excited to see where you take this work.